Deciding Not to Suck
Final Autopsy Affirms the Democratic Party's Brand is in Tatters
A Tough Rx from the Doc
When they called to pre-brief me on the Deciding to Win report, I said, âLet me guessâyour findings are that our brand is fucked because itâs weak, woke, and weird.â
To his credit, study co-author Simon Bazelon chuckled and said, âWell, I wouldnât put it that way.â
But he didnât have to. Thatâs what the data says.
The Diagnosis
A year out of the election weâve got gold-standard post-2024 data affirming what Iâve been yelling about since the day we lost the 2024 election: the Democratic Party doesnât have an economic brand.
Not just a weak one.
None.
Remember this graph from Democratic research firm Blue Rose Research? I showed it to Simon and explained that voters were just as likely to answer Republicans on a host of the Democratic Partyâs bread and butter economic polices like Social Security and Medicare.
Thatâs bad considering conservatives always hated these programs, worked to block them from being enacted, and have moved to undermine them continuously for the past 20 years.
Voters canât tell you what we stand for economically. In fact, half the country doesnât even know if Democrats are better on housing, health care, and education, all issues the Democratic Party is supposed to âown.â
Meanwhile, Republicans have successfully branded Democrats as the party of chaosâof slogans, culture wars, and moral superiority. And because weâve ceded the economic lane, voters now associate âDemocratâ with words like âelite,â âout of touch,â and âweird.â
The Data Is Brutal
The Deciding to Win report pulls no punches. It shows:
Voters think Democrats focus way too much on climate change, abortion, democracy, and identity politicsâand not nearly enough on jobs, prices, healthcare, and public safety.
Weâve lost ground with every working-class demographic: down double digits among non-college Black, Latino, and Asian voters.
The word âeconomyâ appears 50% less often in the 2024 party platform than in 2012. âMiddle classâ? Down 79%.
More voters now think Democrats are too liberal than think Republicans are too conservative.
If youâre wondering why the Trumpists are back in power, thatâs why.
As Democrats were pushed Left by social media Republicans were quick to oblige, spending billions of dollars painting the Democrats as out of touch elitists more concerned with the rights of immigrants than Americaâs own beleaguered working class.
Consider the Republican Partyâs graph and keep in mind that the time period mapped saw the old guard GOP primaried to extinction or appeasement by MAGA.
This is despite the Big Lie and the even bigger coup attempt!!
The Problem Is Our Lack of Narrative
Deciding to Win is solid in its findings that the Democratic Partyâs pursuit of Obama era identity-based messaging as ostracized it from its historic working class base, but just talking more about economic issues will not be enough, its how they are talked about that will determine our partyâs future.
The irony is, Democrats are the party that built modern Americaâs middle class. The liberal projectâthe New Deal through the Affordable Care Actâwas a smashing success. We built Social Security. We built Medicare. We rescued the economy twice in fifteen years.
But no one knows that, because we donât tell it like a story.
We talk about âpolicies.â They talk about villains.
They tell you who ruined your life and whoâs coming to fix it. We tell you weâre âinvesting in communities.â
Our messaging is safe, sanitized, and soulless. Itâs the difference between a warning label and a movie trailer.
Talking About Affordability Without a Villian is Pointless
Take Gretchen Whitmerâs recent appearanceâtextbook consultant polish. When asked about the White Houseâs East Wing demolition, she stayed âon her economic message.â She said sheâs âfocused on jobs and growth.â
And thatâs the problem. Itâs all positive, dry bullshit with no hero/villain narrative.
Thereâs no villain, no stakes, no emotion. Itâs what happens when Democrats mistake âdisciplineâ for âdeodorant.â It covers the stink without fixing the infection.
Real message discipline isnât about saying the same safe line and staying on topicâitâs about deploying and repeating a frame that hits emotionally.
You canât sell âIâm focused on the economyâ to a voter who hates the economy. You have to explain why they hate itâand who made it that way.
The Negative Partisanship Fix
What Deciding to Win gets right is that we have to rebuild the economic brand.
What it doesnât understand how to do it right.
In a two product market you donât fix a brand with a new sloganâyou fix it with a new villain. With a narrative.
Because hereâs what human psychology tells us: people donât act for ideas, they act against threats.
So when we talk about the economy, we canât just say âDemocrats will make it better.â
We have to say:
âRepublicans broke it.â
âTrumpâs tariffs are a tax on you.â
âThey give to billionaires and take from your pocket.â
âTheyâre the reason your kid canât afford rent.â
Every message must define the villain, then introduce the hero.
Villain, hero. Problem, solution. Pain, relief.
Thatâs how brains process politics. Thatâs how we win.
The Path Forward
So yes, itâs a tough Rx from the doc. But itâs medicine weâve needed for a long time.
After a year and millions of dollars, Deciding to Win proves in data what Iâve been arguing all year: Democrats have a massive brand problem that only good marketing and negative partisanship can fix.
We are not the party of the working class in peopleâs minds because we stopped sounding like it.
We are not the party of strength because we stopped fighting like it.
We are not the party of freedom because we stopped claiming it.
Now we have the receipts. Letâs use them to start fixing whatâs brokenânot with platitudes, but with purpose.
When I say we are highly educated White liberals making messaging that only appeals to other highly educated White liberals- by FAR the most liberal component of the partyâs base-this is what I mean:
But again, even if every Democrat on the ballot is laser-focused on economic issues, it is still not enough. Our messaging has to perform two duties: our brand up and their brand down.
And Trumpâs tariffs and betrayal on lowering process is the perfect wedge with which to start this rebranding work. It is campaign malpractice to run on affordability without blaming high prices and a shitty economy on the party in charge.
Deciding to win will take more than a shift in issue emphasis and moderation on crime and immigration, it requires a complete revolution of our paid ad strategies in the swing races across the map in time for 2026.
It is to this goal I remain hopelessly committed.











Rachel, Iâm a longtime fan of your work and the urgency you bring to Democratic messaging, but I wonder if this piece might be missing the forest for the very dysfunctional trees.
The idea that branding alone can rescue a party losing ground with working-class voters of all backgrounds feels⌠dangerously partial. Yes, Democrats are flailing on economic messaging. But isnât part of that failure structural, a media ecosystem owned by billionaires, a political map twisted by gerrymanders, a Supreme Court that gutted the Voting Rights Act, and a constant background hum of right-wing disinformation that scrambles perception itself?
To put it more bluntly: Itâs not just that we lack a villain, but that our villains bought the building, wrote the script, and now weâre arguing over line delivery while the roofâs on fire.
I wrote about this broader problem, how centrist delusion and institutional rot got us here, and why the obsession with swing-voter messaging ignores the deeper fractures in American democracy. Itâs not enough to rebrand the Democrats if the system itself is rigged against rational persuasion.
Hereâs my piece:
https://www.stewonthis.com/p/the-real-culprits
And there is an obvious villain; the billionaires who are stealing everything that isnât nailed down while we fight about trans athletes.